Farm Subsidies Cultivate Socialism, Hogtie the Market

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" Teachers 9 Union Plays Monopoly On the Ball in Greensboro " Professors Probe Academic Freedom 8The Real Lincoln 9 Volume 11, Number 10 October 2002 www.CarolinaJournal.com A Monthly Journal of News, Analysis, and Opinion from the John Locke Foundation www.JohnLocke.org Contents Calendar 2 State Government 3 Education 6 Higher Education 10 Local Government 14 Books & the Arts 18 Opinion 20 Parting Shot 24 The John Locke Foundation 200 W. Morgan St., # 200 Raleigh, NC 27601 NONPROFIT ORG. U.S.

POSTAGE PAID RALEIGH NC PERMIT NO. 1766 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL Farm Subsidies Cultivate Socialism, Hogtie the Market Continued as cSubsidies Hurt, d Page 3 Subsidies were introduced during FDR 9s New Deal and became an addiction Rusty Fordham of Jones County harvests cotton from one of his fields. North Carolina farmers harvested $1.3 billion in federal payouts By KAREN WELSH Contributing Editor KINSTON B oth conservatives and liberals are denouncing the 2002 Farm Bill, signed into law last May by Presi- dent George W.

Bush. The farm subsidies, worth almost $200 billion, are promising massive payouts to farmers in North Carolina and across the country. The bill will subsidize the grow- ing of cotton, corn, ... more. less.

sorghum, barley, oats, wheat, soybeans, oilseeds, rice, and peanut crops over the next six years. A study conducted by the Environmen- tal Working Group, a watchdog organiza- tion based in Washington, D.C., found American taxpayers paid more than $1.3 billion to 116,668 federal farm subsidy re- cipients in North Carolina from 1996 to 2001. All information used in the study was compiled from information gathered by the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The study also found more than 40 per- cent of the money given to North Carolina went to only 2 percent of the farmers in the state, leaving the average recipient with $3,183 a year in payments. During those years, both the number of recipients and amount of expenditures increased dramatically. In 1996, a total of 32,581 farmers in North Carolina alone re- ceived about $75.5 million. In 2001, 103,072 farmers in North Carolina received more than $331 million. A socialistic mentality The steady increase in payments to farmers is detrimental, and everyone stands to lose from farm subsidies in the long run, said Arnold Oltmans, a professor and ex- tension economist in the Agricultural and Resource Economics Department at North Carolina State University. He said the farm bill creates a socialis- tic mentality that makes farmers overly re- liant on government handouts. cIt doesn 9t help anyone to make them dependent on the government, d Oltmans said. cI don 9t see where (subsidies are) a positive move. d cIn my professional opinion, I don 9t think the farm bill is a good bill, d he said. cI don 9t think government programs are the answer in the long run. It sends the wrong signals, and it 9s taking us down bad terri- tory. d Oltmans said the law has no supply limitations and encourages farmers to over- produce many agricultural commodities. He said the overproduction has led to a glut of wheat, corn, and other food commodi- ties on the market. cYou can certainly mess up a market by getting the government too much in- volved in it, d Oltmans said. cRight now, there 9s more on the market than the mar- ket is willing to bear. The commodities will never clear the market. That is the long-term problem and that 9s not good for the long- term health of the system. d Because of the subsidies, he said, farm- ers aren 9t responding to the historical sup- ply and demand indicators in crop produc- tion, making them more dependent on gov- ernment resources. Market prices are low because the market indicates there needs to be a shift in which crops are maintained, and farmers aren 9t shifting, Oltmans said. Environmentalists oppose subsidies Suzanne Fleek, EWG spokeswoman, said the law also creates other problems because it pays farmers by crop yield, en- couraging them to till as much soil as pos- sible and providing little, if any, incentive for land or wildlife conservation efforts. cReally, what it does is give the farm- ers a blind eye to incentive, d she said. cThe more land they put into production, the more wildlife areas are lost and the more pesticides and herbicides are used. Now there is no money to reverse that trend. d Fleek also said farm subsidies lead to Carolina Journal photo by Scott Lowe By KAREN WELSH Contributing Editor KINSTON T he evolution of the current farm bill in the United States dates back many decades ago, when farmers produced more supply than demand, caus- ing a slump in market prices and agricul- tural profits. Most of the members in the farming community found themselves facing seri- ous financial difficulties, with many of them losing their livelihood to heavy mortgages and debts. The time became known as the Great Depression. The original farm subsidy program was established during this era by then-Presi- dent Franklin Roosevelt 9s New Deal plan to help the nation get back on its feet, said Dr. John Brandt, head chairman of the Ag- ricultural and Resource Economics at North Carolina State University. c(Farm subsidies) go back to the 1930s when the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1933, d he said. cIt was meant to be a safety net support for the agricultural community and to assure an adequate supply of food was produced. d In a speech given by Roosevelt on May 14, 1935, he said farm subsidies were a new way of cbalancing farm production with demand. d Roosevelt also thought if the farmers of America were suffering, the entire nation suffered along with them. cIf the farm population of the United States suffers and loses its purchasing power, the people in the cities in every part of the country suffer of necessity with it, d he said. cOne of the greatest lessons that the city dwellers have come to understand in these past two years is this: Empty pock- etbooks on the farm do not turn factory wheels in the city. d According to a report by the U.S. House Committee on Agriculture, Roosevelt 9s then-Secretary of State Henry Wallace de- veloped the cNew Deal initiative d to assist Continued as cFDR Initiated, d Page 3 % of N.C. Respondents in Sept. 1998 JLF Poll Which Kind of Tax Do You Dislike Most? Income 38.3% Sales 18.1% Property 29.8% All Equally 13.8% M ark your calendar for November 11 to get the best insight on the 2002 election results in North Carolina and the nation. The John Locke Foundation will host an celection wrapup d luncheon featuring Locke Foundation President and Chairman John Hood, Locke Senior Fellow Marc Rotterman, Rob Christensen of The News and Observer of Raleigh, and pollster Will- iam Lee, of one of the country 9s leading polling firms, Tel Opinion Research. Lee has been professionally involved in political efforts and campaigns for more than 25 years in more than half of the United States, Central America, and Africa. Lee, an expert in campaign planning and strategy, has taught planning, strategy, and other subjects in national conservative or Republican campaign schools, for a vari- ety of professional associations and as a guest lecturer at the Harvard Institute of Politics and American University. He was involved in several of the Reagan presidential campaigns, as well as in the presidential efforts of Jack Kemp (1988, as senior consultant), George Bush (1992, special projects), Sen. Phil Gramm (1996), and Sen. Bob Dole (political director, Platform Committee). Lee has been the gen- eral consultant for a number of successful congressional campaigns and with success- ful efforts for gubernatorial and senatorial seats. Lee cofounded Tel Opinion Research, a political and commercial survey research firm. He is also president of the company. Lee faced Bill Clinton in three guberna- torial contests. He won one, and is the only consultant to have ever defeated him. His clients have included every major John Locke Foundation to Sponsor Election Wrapup C A R O L I N A JOURNAL Richard Wagner Editor Paul Chesser, Michael Lowrey Associate Editors Karen Palasek, Erik Root, Jon Sanders Assistant Editors Thomas Paul De Witt Opinion Editor Andrew Cline, Roy Cordato, Charles Davenport, Ian Drake, Tom Fetzer, Nat Fullwood, John Gizzi, David Hartgen, Lindalyn Kakadelis, George Leef, Kathryn Parker, Marc Rotterman, Jack Sommer, George Stephens, John Staddon, Jeff Taylor, Michael Walden Contributing Editors Hans Hurd, Brian Gwyn Jenna Ashley Editorial Interns John Hood Publisher Don Carrington Associate Publisher Published by The John Locke Foundation 200 W. Morgan St., # 200 Raleigh, N.C. 27601 (919) 828-3876 " Fax: 821-5117 www.JohnLocke.org Bruce Babcock, Ferrell Blount, John Carrington, Hap Chalmers, Sandra Fearrington, Jim Fulghum, William Graham, John Hood, Kevin Kennelly, Lee Kindberg, Robert Luddy, William Maready, J. Arthur Pope, Assad Meymandi, Tula Robbins, David Stover, Jess Ward, Andy Wells, Art Zeidman Board of Directors C AROLINA J OURNAL is a monthly journal of news, analysis, and commentary on state and local government and public policy issues in North Carolina. ©2002 by The John Locke Foundation Inc. All opinions expressed in bylined ar- ticles are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the editors of Carolina Journal or the staff and board of the Locke Foundation. Material published in Carolina Journal may be reprinted provided the Locke Foun- dation receives prior notice and appropri- ate credit is given. Submissions and letters to the editor are welcome and should be directed to the editor. Readers of Carolina Journal who wish to receive daily and weekly updates from CJ editors and reporters on issues of interest to North Carolinians should call 919-828- 3876 and request a free subscription to Carolina Journal Weekly Report , deliv- ered each weekend by fax and e-mail, or visit Carolina Journal.com on the World Wide Web. Those interested in education, higher education, or local government should also ask to receive new weekly e- letters covering these issues. Calendar O N THE C OVER " Both conservatives and liberals are de- nouncing the 2002 Farm Bill, signed into law in May by President Bush. The farm subsidies, worth almost $200 billion, are promising massive payouts to farmers in North Carolina and across the country. Page 1 N ORTH C AROLINA " Charter boat operators on the North Caro- lina coast are sick of losing business to part- time maritimers, and have brought a peti- tion before the N.C. Marine Fisheries Com- mission asking the agency to help establish a state charter boat license. Page 4 " The N.C. House and Senate approved, and Gov. Mike Easley signed, a new bud- get at the end of September that increases spending by nearly $600 million over ac- tual spending last year. Page 5 " The United States 4 a symbol of the worldwide triumph of ideals championed by 17th century philosopher John Locke 4 today finds itself threatened by the cterror masters d of the Middle East, writer Michael Barone says. Page 5 E DUCATION " A new study says NEA/AFT representa- tion is harmful to teachers and inhibits progress in school choice. The report pro- poses ending the union monopoly on col- lective bargaining for teachers. Page 6 " Education is taking a turn for the classi- cal in some public schools around the coun- try, and in North Carolina as well. Page 6 " Case studies reveal some interesting facts about the perspectives of policy reformers vs. classroom teachers. One of the most sur- prising is that they do not share the same fundamental perspective in areas having to do with reform and innovation. Page 7 " Teachers at Arlington Elementary in Gaston County have turned a grade level proficiency of 37 percent into an 89.4 per- cent proficiency rating. For a low-perform- ing school such as Arlington, the likelihood of such breakthrough success seemed re- mote five years ago. Page 9 H IGHER E DUCATION " Student and public outcry resulted in hours and services being restored to D.H. Hill Library on the campus of North Caro- lina State University, school officials an- nounce. Page 10 " The American Association of University Professors has announced the formation of a committee to study incidents after the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks that may limit aca- demic freedom. Page 11 " The fall semester has started. The war on terror is reportedly about to extend to Iraq. And cteach-ins d have returned to the Uni- versity of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, with the usual suspects participating. Page 12 " George Leef writes that Chancellor James Moeser 9s Sept. 4 cState of the University d (of North Carolina at Chapel Hill) address may have had listeners nodding off, but it actually contains a number of points that North Carolinians who pay UNC-CH 9s bills should know about. Page 13 L OCAL G OVERNMENT " Counties and cities have been adding their names to a list that are suing the state for withholding local reimbursements. The lawsuit alleges that state Secretary of Rev- enue Norris Tolson violated the N.C. Con- stitution when he went along with the governor 9s mandate to keep millions of dollars that belong to counties. Page 14 " Greensboro civic leaders have presented Guilford County with an innovative plan to build a new stadium for the Greensboro Bats minor league baseball team. Page 15 T HE L EARNING C URVE " Dueling reviews by Carolina Journal 9s Tho- mas Paul DeWitt and Erik Root of the book The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lin- coln, His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War. Page 19 O PINION " Editorials about session limits for the state legislature and how best to measure pov- erty rates. Page 21 " Michael Walden says using government edict is not the only way to reduce water usage. Another is the system that 9s used to ration virtually every product in our economy: The price system. Page 23 P ARTING S HOT " State Democratic Party leaders, inspired by the North Carolina Libertarian Party 9s cLadies of Liberty d calendar, have pro- duced their own cHardbodies of the Demo- cratic Party d calendar. Page 24 Contents national Republican committee and several major professional associations and corpo- rations. He is one of the few nominating con- vention experts, having successfully man- aged or consulted on conventions in New Jersey, Virginia, North Dakota, Connecti- cut, and Colorado. He is also the cofounder and first chairman of the National Associa- tion of Republican Campaign Profession- als. Lee continues to serve in the U.S. Army Special Forces as a chief warrant officer in the Reserves. He is assigned to Special Op- erations Command South in Puerto Rico. He was recalled to active duty for Opera- tion Desert Storm, serving with the Army 9s Special Forces Command. His background in unconventional warfare and psychologi- cal operations and knowledge of the His- panic culture and Spanish language is fre- quently of use in the political arena. The luncheon will begin at noon at the Brownstone Hotel in Raleigh. The price is $20 per person. For more information or to preregister, contact Thomas Croom at (919) 828-3876 or events@johnlocke.org. R. James Woolsey dinner R. James Woolsey, former director of the Central Intelligence Agency, will speak at a special John Locke Foundation dinner at 7 p.m. Oct. 30 at the Brownestone Hotel in Raleigh. Woolsey is a partner in the law firm of Shea & Gardner in Washington, D.C. He returned to the firm in January 1995 after serving for two years as director of the CIA. He has practiced at the firm for 17 years, on four occasions, since 1973. The theme of Woolsey 9s speech will be cAmerica 9s Role in the World After Sep- tember 11. d Price of the dinner is $20 per person. For more information or to preregister, con- tact Kory Swanson at (919) 828-3876 or events@johnlocke.org. Shaftesbury Society Each Monday at noon, the John Locke Foundation sponsors the Shaftesbury Soci- ety, a group of civic-minded individuals who meet over lunch to discuss the issues of the day. The meetings are conducted at the Locke offices at 200 W. Morgan St., Suite 200, Raleigh. Parking is available in nearby lots and decks. CJ Bill Lee of Tel Opinion Research corruption and create a hostile environment between big farmers and small farmers. Oltmans said it 9s bad business for the farm bill to not have supply limitations be- cause it distorts the normal market signals on land that inflates rental prices, and ends up hurting the smaller farmer. This happened to Kenneth Avery, a small farmer in Trenton, N.C. On the handshake of a landowner, he cleared 20 acres of land and prepared it for seed. One of the largest farmers in the area took notice, came in, rented the land at a much higher rate, and effectively forced Avery out of a job. cIt 9s all crooked and messed up, d Avery said. cIf there 9s an honest (farmer) left, they 9ll shove him out. Somebody ought to do something to put it back in line. d Subsidies encourage waste Liz Moore, also a spokeswoman for EWG, said subsidies mean more govern- ment waste, and leave farmers clamoring for a piece of the pie. The past six years of subsidies have proven that true, Fleek said, and it 9s only going to get worse for the small farmer. cIf you 9re in the club you 9re fine, d she said. cIf you 9re not in the club, you 9re at a disadvan- tage. The farm bill awards the biggest pro- ducers in the country, and they have good lawyers and accountants that maximize the system. They end up getting 10 checks in- stead of two. d In a free society, large farmers using subsidies to put small farmers out of busi- ness is plain business, said Charles Moore, professor of the Agriculture and Resource Economics Department at NCSU 9s College of Agriculture and Life Science. cIt 9s just like when all the old mom and pop stores were run out of business by the SuperWalmarts and Lowes, d he said. cIt 9s just an economic reality. d Bigger problems in the future Whatever it is, Oltmans said farm sub- sidies are a mistake, and will create bigger problems for everyone down the road. cWe really have trouble in this country taking the long-term view versus the short- term pain, d Oltmans said. cWe don 9t want anyone to hurt. Yet, as in any government program, the more you do, the more you can distort the whole system. There are unintended consequences. d The best thing to do, he said, is to let the free market, with its burden of supply and demand, take its course 4 even if it hurts a few farmers in the pocketbook. That ís exactly what North Carolina farmer Mike Haddock, of Jones County, is afraid will happen. At the present time, Haddock said he would rather receive a fair price for his crops in the marketplace, but without the subsidies he 9s afraid he won 9t be able to run his large farming operation. cI don 9t know what the answer is, d he said. cI don 9t expect to get rich at (farming). I just want to make a living at it. My farm- ing operation is as efficient as it can be, but in order to keep farming I 9m going to have to get help somewhere. d Oltmans said the situation is compli- cated, but he thinks farmers are going to bite the bullet someday. cThis is almost a no-win situation when it comes to writing or talking about it be- cause someone won 9t be satisfied, d Oltmans said. cThe reality is, it could really hurt a lot of people, but the free market is still bet- ter than government intervention in the long run. d CJ Continued From Page 1 Subsidies Hurt Small Farmers, Benefit the Millionaires Top 20 Recipients of Farm Subsidies in North Carolina (1996-2001) Rank Name Location Farm Subsi dy Total 1 Cox Brothers Farms Monroe, NC 28112 $2,569,517.50 2 Amd Farms Hobgood, NC 27843 $2,357,650.82 3 Spring Branch Farms New Bern, NC 28562 $2,245,327.91 4 Ferebee Iv Partnership Shawboro, NC 27973 $2,025,714.03 5 The Williamson Farm Mount Gilead, NC 27306 $1,984,120.15 6 Howard Farms Deep Run, NC 28525 $1,977,847.16 7 Edward & Kenneth Cherry Columbia, NC 27925 $1,628,866.54 8 Whitehurst Farms Conetoe, NC 27819 $1,624,443.69 9 Fann Farms Salemburg, NC 28385 $1,614,792.73 10 Harrell & Owens Farm Tarboro, NC 27886 $1,586,015.72 11 Thomas Allen & Sons Pantego, NC 27860 $1,495,072.38 12 Warren Farming Partnership Newton Grove, NC 28366 $1,47 5,476.93 13 Snead Brothers Farm Laurinburg, NC 28352 $1,403,340.88 14 Dale Bone Farms Partnership Nashville, NC 27856 $1,390,823.15 15 McLain Beef & Grain Statesville, NC 28625 $1,390,793.43 16 Sanderson & Son Farming Kinston, NC 28501 $1,372,746.94 17 Howell Farms Pinetown, NC 27865 $1,342,448.87 18 Anderson Farms Tarboro, NC 27886 $1,304,078.73 19 Carmichael Farms Laurinburg, NC 28352 $1,299,060.17 20 Harvey L & Sally Rouse Trenton, NC 28585 $1,264,953.28 Source: United States Department of Agriculture; Complied by Enviromental Working Group the farm sector by raising and stabilizing commodity prices and the farmer 9s income through a production reduction of desig- nated commodities, such as cotton, wheat, corn, rice, tobacco, hogs, and milk, making ad- vance payments to farm- ers who stored crops on the farm, creating market- ing agreements between farmers and middlemen, and levying processing taxes to pay for produc- tion adjustment and mar- ket development. The report also said the levy processing taxes found in the origi- nal AAA of 1933 was declared unconstitu- tional, and was replaced by the Agricultural Adjustment Act of 1938. The New Deal plan appeared to many Americans to work. The typical farmer 9s in- come increased by more than 50 percent within a few short years. When the Great Depression ended, however, almost 6 mil- lion farmers were taking advantage of the economic stability provided through the new federal program, and had become de- pendent on the income to maintain their lifestyle. Despite the ebb and flow of support for farm subsidies over the years, no one presi- dent has been successful in weaning Ameri- can farmers off the payments. In fact, as the decades pass, the price tag continues to climb to higher levels. Some hoped that the Bush administration would curtail the federal handouts. According to a story written by Mike Allen in The Washington Post , Bush originally took a cskeptical view of tra- ditional farm subsidies. d However, Allen re- ported Bush quickly changed his mind after the Sept. 11 terror- ist attack against the United States, stating the war against terrorism provided a fresh rationale for continuing New Deal-era sub- sidies for farms. At that time, Allen said Bush not only committed his administration to renewing the subsidy, but was determined to raise farm aid to a generous level. cIt 9s in our national security interests that we be able to feed ourselves, d Bush said. Although he admitted the bill had flaws, Bush willingly signed the Farm Se- curity and Rural Investment Act of 2002, worth almost $200 billion, into existence last May. cIt 9s not a perfect bill, I know that, d Bush laughingly said at the signing. cBut you know, no bill ever is. d All kidding aside, it appears the real joke is on the taxpayers, because they are the ones subsidizing the ever-increasing farm bill. In a recent report to the Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition and Forestry United States Senate, Secretary of Agriculture Ann M. Veneman said it will cost more than $100 million just to implement the new farm bill. cFarm Bill implementation is a massive undertaking, d she said. cThe bill includes ten titles and over 400 pages with numer- ous sections and provisions. At the time of passage, its cost above baseline levels was estimated to be over $80 billion. We have determined that nearly 100 regulations will need to be issued, and that over 40 reports and studies will need to be prepared over the course of the bill 9s life. d Veneman thinks that $100 million isn 9t enough to complete the task. cAlthough we are making good progress, I would like to point out that we do face a number of chal- lenges, d she said. cThe workload is mas- sive and we are doing the best we can with limited resources. d CJ FDR Initiated Farm Subsidies in New Deal Era Continued From Page 1 Bush quickly changed his mind on farm sub- sidies after the Sept. 11 terrorist attack against the United States. October 2002 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL North Carolina 3 4 October 2002 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL North Carolina Around the State Captains fear over -regulation by the state Rocking the Boat on Charter Licenses North Carolina charter fishing boats await customers at the dock. By KAREN WELSH Contributing Editor KINSTON A growing number of charter boats rolling back and forth off the North Carolina coast and inland water- ways has even the saltiest of sea captains feeling queasy. Many of the diehards 4 sick of losing business to part-time maritimers located on the Outer Banks, Atlantic Beach, Morehead City, and Wilmington 4 brought a petition before the N.C. Marine Fisheries Commis- sion in August. The petition asked the agency to intercede and help establish a state charter boat license, said Capt. Ira cDuke d Spencer, a fourth-generation fish- erman, charter owner, and an officer of the 150-member Oregon Inlet Guide Associa- tion, located on the Outer Banks. c(The petition) was passed around the entire coastal region, d he said. In most instances, Spencer said full- time captains find interested clientele through their web sites or a local marina, which charges boat captains a nominal fee for their reservation services. Part-time cap- tains, however, often rely on tackle shop owners to supply their business and the charter boat operator pays a percentage of the money they charge the passengers. Capt. Sonny Davis, a charter boat op- erator for more than 40 years with the Capt. Stacy Fishing Center in Atlantic Beach, said he estimates 50 percent of the charter boats in North Carolina waters are operated by part-time captains. Up for grabs is a piece of more than $1 billion contributed annually to the state economy by commercial and recreational activities, says a recent report by the N.C. Division of Marine Fisheries. Of that, Spencer said the charter indus- try is the largest money producer business in the state. cThere 9s a lot of money at stake here, d he said. cIt 9s such a lucrative busi- ness. Our area, the Oregon Inlet, generates millions of dollars a year alone. d Although there are no firm figures at this time, Spencer thinks that part-time op- erators are coming in and ctaking the gravy of the businesses that are already estab- lished. d That 9s why the initial petition suggested stringent rules for a license, including docu- mentation of a captain 9s license, boat in- spections, and liability insurance, as re- ported in the New Bern Sun Journal . The petition indicated the potential license- holder should be required to prove that 75 percent of his or her income from the past year came from charter fishing or another fishing-related industry. A legislative storm Unfortunately, the same fishermen who tried to maximize profits could get caught in a legislative squall, and end up netting more than they bargained for in their ap- peal for government intervention. History could end up repeating itself, as other state 9s actions will attest. Mary- land, for example, has already imposed a moratorium on the number of charter boat licenses issued each year. The Gulf of Mexico Fishery Management Council is also con- sidering the same action in order to restrict access to fishing and charter operations off the coasts of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Florida. North Carolina had a moratorium on commercial fishing licenses from 1994 to 1999, said Preston Pate, director of the N.C. Division of Marine Fisheries in Morehead City. cAnytime you regulate yourself you tend to shoot yourself in the foot....hopefully we can get something that 9s not a ticking time bomb. d He said the Fisheries Reform Act in 1997 changed the moratorium to a cap of at most 8,765 commercial licenses that could be issued in a single year. Newcomers have to meet certain crite- ria, Pate said, before they are allowed to enter the eligibility pool. Those with a li- cense are automatically renewed each year, he said, or they are allowed to sell their license to the highest bidder. Pate said it 9s too early to determine whether those same potential restrictions might be placed on charter boat licenses in North Carolina, causing a ripple-down ef- fect on both the state 9s tourism and the charter boat industry. Petitioners fear backlash Spencer initiated the petition to stem the influx of part-time charter boat opera- tors. Ironically, he is already having second thoughts about making the proposal to the commission. cIt 9s already gotten further out of hand than we anticipated, d he said. cI 9m already seeing the handwriting on the wall. We were in a dream world, hoping [government officials] would go by the guidelines we asked for. Now I have a fear that a charter license would be more than I bargained for. d Spencer said state of- ficials in Raleigh are un- familiar with everything happening on the coast, and may end up making the license unusable. cWe feel like we 9re going to get lost in the rhetoric of the General Assembly and not get what we want, d he said. cI have some concerns that the 100 people in the [N.C. General Assembly] will develop something so far out in left field that it would defeat our purpose. d Spencer thinks the fishermen may find themselves in over their heads, having to fill out mandated reports, keep track of catches, and comply with other regulations and restrictions imposed by well-meaning legislators. Spencer also said government officials who would be in direct control of the li- cense may use it to their advantage. He said they could require charter boat captains to ctoe the line d of a certain party if they want to get their license renewed. cIt will prob- ably mushroom into more than we want to happen, d Spencer said. cThere 9s got to be a better way. d Capt. Brian Horsley, another fisherman with the Oregon Inlet Fishing Center on the Outer Banks, is also a strong backer of the charter license. However, he is also begin- ning to feel queasy when he thinks about the license getting bungled in red tape. cThat 9s the downside of it because I could basically work myself out of a job, d Horsley said. cThere 9s no telling what will happen, because, when left in the hands of legislators, [the license] might come back very different. We 9re just kind of stupid to ask for government help, because some- times you get more than you ask for. d cAnytime you regulate yourself you tend to shoot yourself in the foot, d Horsley said. cThere 9s always a possibility the li- cense will become a burden. It 9s kind of a hard thing to do. I 9m at a loss, but hopefully we can get something that 9s not a ticking time bomb. d Commission studies license Pate said there used to be a charter boat license, but a Catch-22 in the Fisheries Re- form Act of 1997 caused its demise. cMost captains run charters in the summertime and then commercial fish during other sea- sons in order to make a living, d he said. cHad the charter boat license stayed in the act, it would have disabled and interfered with the charter boat captains holding com- mercial licenses. This aspect complicated enough to get (the charter boat license) taken out of the Fisheries Reform Act. c Despite the previous problem, the com- mission is once again seriously considering the pros and cons of having a state charter license. cThe proposal is in the early stages of re- view and there 9s a long way to go with the idea d Pate said. cThere has been no effort at this point to invite public comment or input into the debate. There will be ample op- portunity for the public to interact and voice their opinion with our commit- tee. d If the request is en- dorsed by the commission, Pate said it will go to the Joint Commission of Seafood and Agriculture before it is passed as a bill to the N.C. House and the Senate. Capt. Davis said he would agree with a charter boat license if it would do any good. cThere 9s a lot of people running these boats that don 9t have anything to do with fish- ing, d he said. cThere 9s a lot doctors, den- tists, and lawyers, and right now more than 50 percent of your boats are private-owned boats that charter on the side. If a license could eliminate some of them I 9m all for it. d Unfortunately, he said, sea captains al- ready must hold several licenses to sail the seas, and are required to take courses, fol- low strict guidelines, and undergo random drug testing. The bottom line is a charter boat license won 9t work, Davis said, and one more li- cense would only end up costing the fisher- man more money and would probably have little effect on the boating population. cIt would just be another license for us, d he said. cWe already have enough licenses. d CJ " Moody 9s Investor Services, the New York investment rating firm that downgraded North Carolina 9s credit rating in August, has yet to evaluate the Economic Stimulus and Job Creation Act, which will pro- vide millions in incentives to lure or keep businesses in the state. Raymond Murphy, senior credit of- ficer and one of the analysts behind the North Carolina downgrade de- cision, was not aware of the legisla- tion. cIf the legislation becomes law, we would study the matter and is- sue a comment to the market if the action has a material effect on the credit quality of the state, d he said. State Treasurer Richard Moore said he supports the state 9s economic de- velopment efforts but urged cau- tion. cPutting prudent, reasonable limitations on any economic devel- opment incentives makes good fis- cal sense, d Moore said. cWe want to provide our economic development folks with the tools they need to make North Carolina competitive& but we do not want to inadvertently injure our overall financial standing with such programs. d " John Merritt, senior assistant for policy and communications for Gov. Mike Easley, denied last month that he threatened New Hanover and Alamance County officials be- cause of their lawsuit against the state to recover tax reimbursements. He said that he called cto tell them when they sued, that it could not be viewed by the state government as a friendly act. I asked them to please think carefully before they did that. I didn 9t tell them not to do it, and I didn 9t threaten them. d The Wilm- ington Star-News reported Sept. 14 that Merritt said if New Hanover County won its lawsuit, the gover- nor would have to look at state projects in the Wilmington region. Likewise, the Burlington Times-News reported Sept. 16 that Alamance County Manager David Cheek re- ceived a call from Merritt, who told Cheek that state money earmarked for Alamance might be spent else- where. Merritt is also on the board of directors of Golden LEAF, which distributes half the state 9s tobacco settlement to local interests to pro- mote economic development. Asked whether counties in the lawsuit would be denied his support for LEAF funding for their projects, Merritt replied, cAbsolutely not. d " Rachel Mills, Libertarian can- didate for North Carolina 9s House District 31, has won nationwide at- tention as the brains behind the cLa- dies of Liberty d pinup calendar, which features 11 other female can- didates in an effort to raise money for their campaigns. Tucker Carlson and James Carville of CNN 9s cCrossfire d interviewed Mills on Sept. 18. Conservative Carlson told Mills that cI went to your website hoping for nudity, and instead found this, d and then he listed a number of cturn-ons d of the North Carolina lady Libertarians, which included cfree market economies. d He then asked her which ones she favored. cRight now I like Russia, d Mills said, cbecause they just passed a 13 per- cent flat tax and their economy is soaring. d CJ October 2002 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL North Carolina 5 Lottery loses in House vote Bloated Budget: Legislature Raises Spending by $600 Million We Want Less! Concerned About Issues Such As Taxes, Regulations, Property Rights & Patient Choice in Health Care? Thousands of your fellow North Carolinians are, too 4 that 9s why they have joined North Carolina Citizens for a Sound Economy to fight for less government, lower taxes, and more freedom. They are making their voices heard. Fighting for the People 9s Agenda North Carolina Citizens for a Sound Economy holds politicians accountable for their votes on taxes, regulations, and other issues. Its aggressive, real-time campaigns activate a grassroots army to show up and demand policy change. And it gets results. CSE has helped to defeat three large tax increases in North Carolina and defended property rights, parental choice, and individual freedom before the state legislature, county commissions, city councils, and elsewhere. Here 9s what some are saying about Citizens for a Sound Economy: " cThey have been doing a great job all over the country educating people. d 4 President George W. Bush " cCSE is a great organization . . . The hundreds of thousands of volunteer activists that are members of CSE are vital to this country 9s economic prosperity. d 4 U.S. Rep. Richard Burr of Winston-Salem " cYou guys are everywhere! CSE is a great organization. CSE, thanks. d 4 Sen. John McCain Get Involved! Join North Carolina CSE and Make a Difference! 115 1/2 West. Morgan St. Raleigh, NC 27601 www.cse.org 1-888-446-5273 North Carolina CSE members protest state tax increases at a rally in Raleigh. NORTH CAROLINA By PAUL CHESSER Associate Editor RALEIGH T he N.C. House and Senate approved, and Gov. Mike Easley signed, a new budget at the end of September that increases spending by nearly $600 million over actual spending last year. Democrat majorities in both chambers reached agreement on a conference report, which represented a compromise between the legislature and the governor. Easley had threatened to veto a plan devised by House and Senate conferees because it lacked funding for class-size reductions and a More at Four preschool program. The House and Senate both passed the budget on consecutive, near-party line votes. While Easley 9s signature education pro- grams were preserved in the budget, his desire to fund them through a state lottery was soundly rejected by the House, 69-50. Fourteen members of his own party voted with most Republicans against a referen- dum that would have sought voter approval for a lottery. During debate, supporters of a referen- dum mourned that North Carolinians were spending millions on lotteries in neighbor- ing states 4 money that could be kept in state with its own lottery. cWhy on earth would we want to have a kind of perverse form of foreign aid? d wondered Rep. David Redwine, D- Brunswick, who said of those other states, cthey are taking us to the cleaners. d Opponents, mostly Republicans, said a state-run game for ceducation d would mis- lead children. cIt clearly sends a message to young people that there 9s a way to get something for nothing, d said House Minority Leader Leo Daughtry, R-Johnston. Several liberal Democrats echoed that sentiment, adding that other state lotteries almost always engage in false advertising. cThere is nothing in this bill that will guarantee this will go into education, d said Rep. Martin Nesbitt, D-Buncombe, who also said those who played would be throwing their money down ca rat hole. d cWhat business does government have encouraging people to do that? d he said. The budget that the House, Senate, and Easley approved spends more than any of the plans the three entities proposed sepa- rately. Republicans who opposed it com- plained that it contained too much new spending, was out of balance, and preserved pet projects of the Democrat leadership. cI guess this is a political document, and not a budget for the people, d said Rep. Art Pope, R-Wake. The plan restores $80 million in tobacco settlement money for Golden LEAF, which both the Senate and House had partially or entirely diverted to the general budget in their individual proposals. Republicans also took exception to the continued funding of international travel for legislators; $4 mil- lion in incentive money for Easley 9s use; and allowing the UNC system to keep cover- head receipts d that the federal government pays universities for research projects. Despite the funding for Easley 9s new education programs, the budget cuts $41 million from the Public School Facility Fund. While cutting 817 positions in state govern- ment, it adds 1,050 new positions for educa- tion. GOP members complained that cuts to local governments would harm education also. Cities and counties lose $334 million in reimbursements they formerly received from the state, which had replaced repealed taxes. cWe 9ve left our cities and counties hang- ing out to dry, d said Rep. Larry Justus, R- Henderson. Officials of county and municipal gov- ernments converged on the state capital Sept. 23, as the legislature again considered allowing them to raise a half-cent sales tax. The House had rejected the proposal in July but approved it by a narrow margin, thus replacing $188 million of the withheld rev- enues with higher sales taxes. CJ State employees conducted a rally on Halifax Mall soon after the short session convened. John Locke Foundation luncheon Mideast 8Terror Masters 9 Threaten 8Lockean Nation, 9 Barone Says By RICHARD WAGNER Editor RALEIGH T he United States 4 a symbol of the worldwide triumph of ideals cham- pioned by 17th century philosopher John Locke 4 today finds itself threatened by the cterror masters d of the Middle East, writer Michael Barone said Thursday. cOne of the things we 9ve seen in our lifetimes, our adult lifetimes, was a victory of the Lockean model worldwide against the Hobbesian model, d of absolute monar- chy espoused by philosopher Thomas Hobbes, said Barone, keynote speaker at a luncheon sponsored by the John Locke Foundation. Since the downfall of commu- nism over the last decade, no ccompetitive ideas d to the Lockean model of natural rights, limited government, respect for prop- erty, and respect for human liberty, have arisen anywhere in the world, the senior writer for U.S. News & World Report said. America 9s free society today is threat- ened by ca group of people who hate us and hate our way of life and& who have gained access to weapons that are capable of de- stroying very large numbers of people. And they are trying to use those weapons to destroy this happy ending, or this Lockean civilization, d Barone said. Citing President Bush 9s speech to the U.N. Sept. 12, Barone said the cterror mas- ter d nations of Iraq, Iran, Syria, and Saudi Arabia, which supports terrorists, are wag- ing war against the United States. cThe question we obviously want to ask is: Why is Bush now going against Iraq? d Barone said. The answer: cWe couldn 9t go against Iraq last winter because we were too busy in Afghanistan; we couldn 9t take military ac- tion in the spring because we lacked suffi- cient numbers of precision weapons; we couldn 9t take action in the summer because it was too hot in that part of the world, and now it 9s about to unfold, d he said. Bush made a strong statement to the U.N. by challenging the organization to enforce dozens of resolutions that Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein has violated since the Gulf War, Barone said. cThere has been a lot of debate in Washington and around the world, a lot of talk about American being 8unilateral, 9 taking action on our own, d Barone said. But Bush knew that the only way to motivate the U.N. to punish Iraq was to threaten unilateral action by the United States if the organization failed to do its job. cIf you want U.N. action, threaten to take action without the U.N., as Bush did in that speech, d Barone said. Barone said he thinks Congress will decide what to do with Iraq before the legislature adjourns in October. cI think we 9ll probably not see military action until after the election, based upon my conversa- tions with people who are in some position to know what 9s going on in the Pentagon, d Barone said. CJ Michael Barone speaks at a Raleigh luncheon. pay the union for services it provides. Re- gardless of union membership, all teachers are represented by NEA-AFT in the collec- tive bargaining process. Agency fees are either allowed or re- quired in 21 states. Lieberman 9s study re- ports that over time the NEA and AFT have increased agency fees, with fees closely ap- proximating membership dues. Added to the fact that nonmembers experience in- convenience when they do need represen- tation, the NEA-AFT strategy increases the likelihood that teachers will join the union rather than remain outside. Lieberman also reports that agency fees have been increased cby grossly inflating the amounts allegedly spent on collective bargaining. d Total revenues collected by NEA-AFT, in- cluding both dues and agency fees, typically exceed the cost of negotiations, according to the Policy Analysis study. The author argues that allowing nonunion providers, whether individuals or firms, to com- pete for exclusive representa- tion rights, will force prices into closer alignment with costs. NEA general counsel Robert Chanin justifies the high fees collected by the orga- nization by describing them as a kind of prepaid service, collected at the national level and spent at the local level. Because the information has not been made publicly available, however, it is difficult to know what percentage of NEA 9s collections go to helping local affiliates. Neither the author 9s claims nor the NEA 9s numbers could be verified in the study. Legal reform and rivalry Lieberman recommends specific re- forms to overcome the disadvantages asso- ciated with union monopoly in services. State laws that govern a bargaining unit, defined by specific job positions, must 6 October 2002 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL Education Competition in Collective Bargaining Teacher Stats and ABC 9s Teachers 9 choice of representation would lower costs, promote options, analysts say BY KAREN PALASEK Assistant Editor RALEIGH A new report says NEA/AFT repre- sentation is harmful for teachers and inhibits progress in school choice. The study, released by the Cato Institute, proposes ending the union mo- nopoly on collective bargaining for teach- ers. Teacher representation is the exclusive right of the National Education Association and American Federation of Teachers. The study argues that introducing competition into teacher representation would not only benefit teachers, it would also improve the prospect of school choice for families. Problems with NEA and AFT Myron Lieberman, senior research scholar with the Social Philosophy and Policy Center, Bowling Green State Univer- sity, and chairman of the Education Policy Institute, wrote the report, which was titled Liberating Teachers: Toward Market Competi- tion in Teacher Representation . It outlines ar- eas in which teachers are harmed or served poorly by the NEA-AFT collective bargain- ing monopoly. These include higher costs of negotiating services, lack of choice in negotiating services, and the ability to hinder market innovations in school choice through union activities or legal barriers. Lieberman thinks there are specific legal changes that will make the introduction of market forces both possible and beneficial. As a conse- quence, the study suggests that school choice will be enhanced, basically because teachers will have less incentive to oppose it. Lieberman 9s study pre- sumes a continuation of col- lective bargaining in contract negotiations for teachers. It also assumes that collective bargaining will take place through some monopoly, though not necessarily union, bargaining agent. With this in mind, Liberating Teachers sum- marizes what is wrong with the union- dominated bargaining system now in place. Monopoly by the NEA and AFT results in consumers (teachers) who are poorly served by their bargaining representatives. The textbook monopolist takes advantage of its customers by raising the price and reducing the quantity or the quality of ser- vices offered. With no competitors, they have little reason to behave differently. Lieberman 9s paper illustrates examples of how NEA and AFT have acted to increase prices charged to union members for dues, and chiefly to nonunion members as cagency fees. d Agency fees are fees that nonmembers of the teachers 9 unions must " The Department of Public In- struction, which issued its initial re- port on teacher turnover in May, has revised the study, according to a news brief released in September by DPI. While the original study reported a turnover rate of 21 percent to 22 per- cent, the new study reports much lower rates for the two most recent school years. The recalculated rate for 2000-01 was 14 percent. For 2001-02, turnover was 12.5 percent, the DPI says. The original reports, issued with the N.C. School Report Cards by the governor 9s office and the DPI, double counted some teacher turnover, Hu- man Resources Director Kathy Sullivan said. In the original version, human resources counted all turnover in teach- ing staff, whether the individual left one school in a district and entered another in the same district, or left the school district entirely. Intradistrict turnover, officials said, is significantly different, and higher, than districtwide or statewide turnover rates. Cecil Banks, manager of the Cen- ter of Recruitment and Retention at the DPI, thinks intradistrict reporting is more informative for parents and students because it reveals which schools lose teachers more often. The more aggregated districtwide or state- wide measure masks those distinc- tions. Parents and students have a more difficult time evaluating individual schools in that case, since low-turn- over districts will often have some high-turnover institutions. The most often-cited reason for teachers to leave a school on recent surveys was retirement, a significant problem for some districts. But a weak economy in North Carolina may have proven to be a boon to teacher reten- tion. Scarcity of nonteaching opportu- nities apparently has encouraged some would-be job seekers to stay put. Lack of alternatives applies not only to teach- ing staff, but to administrators also. DPI officials, in claiming that the difference between a 21 percent aver- age teacher turnover rate and one of 12.5 percent is statistical, have implic- itly refocused on aggregate data in their reporting. The revamped tech- niques will generally improve reported rates. From now on, only teachers who leave the district entirely will be counted. Those who shift schools within the district will no longer be considered part of the turnover. Re- ported by the High Point Enterprise . " The ABC 9s of Public Education , issued annually by the N.C. Depart- ment of Public Instruction, reports a shrinking number of low-performing schools and more high-performing schools than ever before. The ABC 9s is designed to measure growth in student achievement and number of students at grade level. Grade-level proficiency is measured by scores on the end-of grade tests or on high school end-of-course tests. This year all but two of the ABC 9s category definitions changed. Un- changed were the cschools of excel- lence d requirements and the clow-per- forming schools d criteria. According to DPI, the number of schools of excellence, the highest-per- forming level, increased to 13.9 per- cent of all schools. Low-performing schools represented 0.8 percent, or 18 schools, in North Carolina in 2002. CJ change. The current system, Lieberman argues, could be made more flexible first of all if elections took place when 10 percent of those represented express an interest. Cur- rently, 30 percent must concur before a new election can take place A second change must allow individu- als or organizations (for-profit or nonprofit) to compete for teacher representation rights. Collective bargaining would still be pro- vided by a monopoly under the revised plan Lieberman describes. When the term expires, competition for that service would reopen. The third recommended change would allow all those represented in bargaining, whether union members or not, to vote on issues affecting them. The NEA-AFT ar- rangement now in place limits voting rights to union members. Eliminating this restric- tion removes the incentive to stay in or to get into the union. This change would open choice to teachers without fear of punitive disadvantages. According to the study, the effects of increased competition are potentially sig- nificant. Teachers should be able to get the same services at lower cost. Peripheral costs such as union pres- sure, lack of access to meeting space, and no lack of voting rights could be eliminated. Long-term benefits include the right to change the monopoly service provider if teachers are dissatisfied. A final potential benefit suggested in Liberating Teachers addresses teacher resis- tance to school choice. If teachers see how competition can work for them, they may be less likely to oppose school choice, ac- cording to the author. If he is correct, revis- ing collective bargaining laws for teachers would have a positive impact on the move- ment for school choice and reform. Lieberman argues persuasively when discussing the positive effects of added teacher choice in representation. While teachers may welcome competition in bar- gaining, it is unclear whether they will wel- come it on their own turf. CJ By KAREN PALASEK Assistant Editor RALEIGH E ducation is taking a turn for the clas- sical in some public schools around the country, and in North Carolina as well. Noted more for trendiness in educa- tion strategies than for techniques that date to the 5th century B.C., classical techniques include the reintroduction of great books, the Socratic method, and seminars into the classroom. The classical curriculum that is appear- ing in modern public schools is largely based upon a model designed by Mortimer Adler in the 1980s. Adler published three books discussing the paideia (Greek for education) or upbringing of the child. With the Paideia Group founded in 1985, Adler 9s 12-principle, three ccolumns of learning c method involves teacher-cen- tered instruction, guided practice, and seminars in each subject. Students progress from acquiring basic knowledge to mastery of skills and to understanding abstract ideas. Paideia programs are offered in North Carolina public schools from elementary through high school, but not all schools in- clude this approach as part of the curricu- lum. Schools are explicit when they do. J.H. Rose High School in Greenville, N.C. has designed World History and Lit- erature as a paideia program. Moore Square Middle, a museums magnet school in Raleigh, aims to use paideia principles in every grade for every subject. Comprehensive programs like Moore Square 9s are more likely to be found in magnet than in non-magnet schools. CJ Classical Education Offers New Appeal in State Myron Lieberman S urveys and polls can use the same research pro- cedures, be conducted at about the same time with the same margin of error, yet yield pro- foundly different results. Those results can depend on how the questions are framed. During my term as a member of the Charlotte- Mecklenburg Board of Education, a survey was taken on student busing. One question was posed using the word csegregation. c It imme- diately brought to mind vi- sions of the Charlotte school system returning to a Jim Crow atmosphere. The response was overwhelmingly negative. Rephrasing the question has a remarkable effect on the outcome. Ask whether chil- dren ought to have the oppor- tunity to attend a school close to home, regardless of race, and the majority of responses are favorable. The wording of the ques- tion makes all the difference, which is why smart individuals consider not only the topics in the poll, but how questions may be skewed. Sometimes questions create a predisposition toward particular answers and outcomes. Two recently released polls investigated school choice opinions, with very different results. The Phi Delta Kappa-Gallup poll and the Center for Educa- tion Reform-Zogby poll both posed questions on school choice. Phi Delta Kappa 9s survey phrased the two school choice questions in a way that suggests respondents either want to improve existing public schools, or they want to expand alternatives outside the public school system. Based on the PDK-Gallup poll, 69 percent sup- ported improving the current system, and 52 percent opposed choice in school cat public expense. c The poll is not designed to reflect the views of those who think both avenues are worth pursuing. Misunderstanding by the news media and members of the public persists. Most people have not seen the questions behind the survey results. A largely unreported poll by the Zogby organiza- tion on behalf of the Center for Education Reform took a much less biased view. The Zogby poll also looked for opinions regarding school choice. Instead of phrasing the poll question in the con- text of public money for private education, Zogby asked whether tax dollars for scholarships aimed at low-income students met with public approval. In the context of the Zogby poll, 76 percent of respondents favored the school choice concept, and 63 percent would agree to tax-supported scholarships for stu- dents in low-income families. An interesting feature of both polls is that school choice is increasing in popularity with the American public. People who learn more about what educational choice can offer are not swayed by the education establishment 9s rhetoric against any form of educa- tion that they do not control. Suggesting that the op- portunity for choice hurts public schools, which edu- cate 90 percent of the nation 9s students, attempts to use fear to bias response in favor of the status quo. The Phi Delta Kappa survey has been asking ques- tions on choice since 1995, and since then there has been a 13-point increase in the number of those who favor taxpayer-supported choice, despite the cpublic expense c language. Recently the education establishment has become more vocal about the charm d associated with choice of all varieties. Like the PDK-Gallup poll, those of the establishment start from the assumption that the ex- isting system needs improvement, and that the pub- lic is sensitive to the limited range of current option. Intelligent consumers investigate the evidence di- rectly, so interested readers can go directly to the web sites for a first-hand look at the polls. For the PDK- Gallup poll, go to www.pdkintl.org/kappan/ kpol9909.htm. For Zogby-CER 9s poll go to www.edreform.com/press/2002/choicepoll.htm. CJ 7 State policy and the quality of teaching Center 9s Study Shows the Disconnection Between Policy Reformers and Teachers October 2002 C A R O L I N A JOURNAL Education Playing Word Games In Education Polls By KAREN PALASEK Assistant Editor RALEIGH W hy doesn 9t educational reform in practice often match the vision of educational policymakers, and why do teachers perceive the effectiveness of reforms so differently than do the reform- ers? The Center for the Study of Teaching and Policy has examined the problem in its new study Understanding How Policy Meets Practice: Two Takes on Local Response to a State Reform Initiative. Curriculum reform Case studies reveal some interesting facts about the perspectives of policy reformers vs. classroom teachers. One of the most surprising is that they do not share the same fundamental per- spective in areas having to do with re- form and innovation. Michael Knapp, author of the study, describes the policy reformer 9s perspec- tive as an outside-in approach. It repre- sents a critical separation from the teach- ing approach because there is little eye- level view of what goes on in practice in the classroom, and often little perception of how reform policy in general is and should be translated into classroom prac- tice. Knapp is not suggesting that policymakers prescribe exact procedures, but is noting a potentially significant dis- connect in understanding between the groups. The same policy changes in Califor- nia were used to look at the difference that point of view can make. California revised its California Mathematics Framework in the 1990s. While the reform policy is not recent, perceptions of how well it worked reveal blind spots in evaluating the effect of curriculum reform, so it remains relevant. One of the objectives of the reform was to be sure that fourth-graders learned the concept of place value. Teach- ers could be using manipulation or other means of their choosing in the classroom to help accomplish learning goals. The California case demonstrates how reformers un- derstood the policy, in contrast to teacher perception of the same policy objectives. Differing perspectives The outside-in view of teaching policy focuses on in- centives, accountability, control, and expectations. Presum- ably, teachers and schools are rewarded for meeting measurable expectations, documenting their progress, and follow- ing prescribed guidelines for change. Inside-out perceptions are class- room-centered and focus on particular practices. This involves a detailed look at the procedures that will be changed, dropped, or adopted under the new plan. The teacher perspective is more narrow and practical, less focused on broad reform ideals. The teachers in the California math- ematics reform study practiced new policies in their class- rooms, and from their vantage point, revamped their teach- ing to conform to the new policies. The reform vision for math de-emphasized computa- tion algorithms and s

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